Trump can’t handle the truth, so he’s firing it

The intelligence community will always tell it like it is, no matter what the president wants to hear.

By Brian O’Neill

The CIA has fired an unspecified number of probationary officers as part of the Trump administration’s broader effort to shrink the federal government, a move confirmed Thursday by agency officials.

The CIA will suffer intelligence gaps. Critical expertise will be lost. America’s ability to foresee threats will erode. Our adversaries will exploit the blind spots!

Yada, yada, yada.

All of that is true. But there is another equally important truth.

This isn’t about the CIA, efficiency, or pragmatism. It’s about eliminating anyone who might make Donald Trump look small.

And the CIA, in Trump’s mind, does this every day.

To understand Trump, forget ideology, forget governance. The only principle that matters is that no one—ever—can appear smarter, more capable, or more admired than he does.

The CIA, and the rest of the intelligence community, is a direct threat to that “reality.”

You may say, “Oh, you CIA guys. You always believe you're the smartest people in the room.”

But that’s not my point.

That’s Trump’s perception.

This isn’t about institutional pride. It is about the unique role intelligence plays in government and why that makes it an existential threat to Trump.

Plenty of agencies deliver information to the president. The Department of Commerce briefs on trade. The Department of Defense lays out military capabilities. The State Department provides diplomatic assessments. And, yes, in any administration, presidents are selective in what they want to hear, how they want to hear it, and what they choose to ignore.

But the intelligence community is different from every other part of the U.S. government. It doesn’t just cover one sector; it covers everything. Economic shifts, leadership changes, military threats, technological advances, social instability, climate risks, and geopolitics. It isn’t just an advisory body—it produces daily reports that are consumed at the highest levels of government.

The President’s Daily Brief (PDB) is usually read by the president and his national security team, including the secretaries of State and Defense and his national security adviser.

Other versions of these reports—often distilled for broader distribution—reach thousands of top leaders across federal agencies.

Every single day, intelligence provides a comprehensive reality check for the people running the country. No other part of government does this.

Unlike political briefings, intelligence products don’t spin. They don’t make recommendations. They don’t say, This is what we should do.

They say, This is what is happening.

And that makes them uniquely dangerous to someone like Trump.

Every day, senior leaders across the federal government read intelligence reports. And every day, those same leaders can compare what they just read with whatever Trump is saying publicly.

• The PDB might warn that Russia is deepening its efforts to manipulate U.S. elections. That same morning, Trump might be on TV calling it a hoax.

• An intelligence report might outline how fentanyl traffickers are adapting to his border policies. That same day, Trump might claim his approach is working perfectly.

• A classified briefing might highlight how China is countering U.S. influence in Africa. That afternoon, Trump might dismiss Africa as unimportant.

Everyone in government can see the gap between what is true and what Trump is saying. There’s an almost a daily reminder.

And that cannot stand.

For Trump, reality cannot be something external to him.

• If intelligence suggests something other than what he believes, intelligence must be flawed.

• If assessments challenge his instincts, the assessments must be biased.

• If analysts continue producing reports that contradict his statements, the problem isn’t the world, it’s the people reporting on it.

On the first day of class on strategic intelligence, I teach students that intelligence is about bounding uncertainty. Analysts don’t deal in absolutes; they assess probabilities, weigh risks, and help policymakers make informed decisions in a world where certainty is impossible.

With Trump, there is no uncertainty. He doesn’t assess reality—he declares it.

And anyone who questions his certainty is, by definition, the enemy.

An intelligence officer presenting a complex, nuanced assessment is no different from the smart kid in class raising his hand and telling the teacher: “Donald is wrong. The sky isn’t pink. Look out the window.”

And just like the schoolyard bully, Trump’s response isn’t to engage with the facts—it’s to silence the kid who embarrassed him.

That’s why the intelligence community is always going to be a target. It isn’t about policy, security, or even power. It is about making sure no one ever makes Trump feel stupid.

And so they must go.

The reflex fear for most is that, over time, what remains won’t be an intelligence service. It will be a feedback loop—a machine designed not to inform policy, but to reinforce Trump’s instincts.

• No more intelligence on Russian influence—only narratives that exonerate Trump’s past dealings.

• No more inconvenient facts about drug cartels or crime trends—only reports that justify his immigration policies.

• No more warnings about internal vulnerabilities—only reassurances that everything is working exactly as he planned.

However, unlike political staffers, unlike campaign operatives, unlike Cabinet secretaries who can be sidelined, intelligence agencies will continue to operate.

Even if Trump dismisses a report, it still circulates. Even if he refuses to engage with the facts, other leaders in government still read them. Even if he purges senior analysts, the institution still exists, still produces, still delivers assessments every day.

That’s why the CIA was always going to be his enemy.

The sky isn’t pink, Donald.

And you’re not the smartest guy in the room.

Brian O’Neill, a retired senior executive from the CIA and National Counterterrorism Center, is an instructor on strategic intelligence at Georgia Tech.

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